For the Indian envoy, diplomacy meant knocking on every consequential door; for Bangladesh’s representative in Delhi, the public record suggests few doors were opened Waadaa Collage
Opinion

Trivedi tracker

How Indian envoy built a multi-pillar network in Dhaka while Bangladeshi one was left waiting on protocol

Wahidul Islam

There is a stark asymmetry in the diplomatic traffic between Dhaka and New Delhi. Bangladesh’s outgoing High Commissioner to India Riaz Hamidullah managed only two publicly reported engagements with Indian External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar between June 5 and October 9: one to establish rapport, another to say goodbye. 

And the first meeting occurred nearly a year into his appointment; the second followed just four months later. More damningly, despite Hamidullah’s reliance on soft diplomacy that involved exhibiting Tangail and Jamdani saree and arranging lavish Hilsha fest in New Delhi, he failed to secure a meeting with even India’s Foreign Secretary during the whole time of the Interim government’s tenure.

Conversely, India’s High Commissioner to Bangladesh, Dinesh Trivedi, navigated a vastly different landscape. Within little more than two months of beginning his assignment, the septuagenarian BJP leader moved effortlessly through Bangladesh’s political, constitutional, security, and economic establishments. 

The disparity can be distilled to a reality that for Dhaka’s envoy in Delhi, diplomatic engagement amounted to "hi, hello, bye-bye"; for Delhi’s representative in Dhaka, it was a comprehensive tour of the corridors of power.

The figures surrounding Trivedi’s itinerary demand a closer look. At least 13 distinct engagements can be identified. Excluding initial protocol procedures and his engagement with US Special Envoy Sergio Gor, Trivedi conducted at least ten substantive meetings with Bangladesh’s state leadership. 

Adding his subsequent consultation with Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi further underlines the strategic nature of his mission. The significance lies not merely in the volume of these meetings, but in who Trivedi accessed.

Beginning with standard formalities on June 20, Trivedi submitted credentials to Chief of Protocol AFM Zahidul Islam and called on Foreign Secretary Asad Alam Siam. Five days later, he formally presented credentials to President Mohammed Shahabuddin at Bangabhaban.

 But Trivedi quickly moved beyond formal protocol. By July 29, he entered the political arena, meeting Foreign Minister Dr Khalilur Rahman and State Minister Shama Obaed Islam to discuss bilateral ties, Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s prospective visit to India, the BRICS summit, the Ganges treaty renewal, and the Teesta dispute. Two days later, he met US Special Envoy Sergio Gor, expanding his focus toward broader regional dynamics.

August marked a diplomatic blitz. Early that month, Trivedi met Foreign Minister Khalilur Rahman a second time before engaging Bangladesh’s executive leadership. On August 3, he met Prime Minister’s Adviser Humaiun Kobir. On August 6, he met Power Minister Iqbal Hasan Mahmud Tuku and State Minister Anindya Islam Amit. 

On August 9, he held an unannounced meeting with Foreign Minister Khalilur Rahman hours before meeting Prime Minister Tarique Rahman on August 10. Later that day, he met Home Minister Salahuddin Ahmed—a schedule unthinkable for Dhaka’s envoy in Delhi. 

During his meeting with the Prime Minister, Trivedi conveyed Modi’s greetings and expressed India’s desire for forward-looking relations, while Tarique Rahman emphasized creating a "conducive environment."

Following these sessions, Trivedi flew to New Delhi on August 11 to brief Narendra Modi directly while Parliament was in session. Upon returning to Dhaka, he met Finance Minister Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury, Health Minister Sarder Shakhawat Hossain, and Commerce Minister Khandakar Abdul Muqtadir to discuss restarting stalled projects and reopening border haats. 

By late August, he met PM's Advisers Sheikh Faridul Islam and Ismail Jabiullah. On September 8, Trivedi met President Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, alongside Shipping and Railways Minister Shaikh Rabiul Alam. The following day, he entered the defense establishment at Dhaka Cantonment to confer with PM’s Defence Adviser Brigadier General (retd) Dr AKM Shamsul Islam regarding military training. 

On September 13, he concluded his rounds by meeting Water Resources Minister Shahiduddin Chowdhury Anee, State Minister Farhad Hossain Azad, and PM’s Adviser Dr Zahed.

Trivedi’s access points out a structural lack of reciprocity. While Hamidullah found doors closed in New Delhi, Trivedi systematically pursued a six-pillar strategy encompassing political leadership, constitutional figures, foreign policy institutions, internal security, connectivity networks, and strategic partners. 

His political background and former ministerial experience provided him with political weight that traditional foreign service officers often lack, facilitating rapid penetration into Bangladesh’s power structure.

This disparity presents a critical question for Dhaka. If India’s envoy can access Bangladesh’s President, Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, defense advisers, and infrastructure heads within weeks, why did Bangladesh’s representative in New Delhi struggle to secure routine access to India’s foreign policy leadership? 

While meeting counts do not automatically equate to diplomatic success, access remains a fundamental instrument of influence. The issue is not merely Hamidullah’s individual performance, but whether Bangladesh possesses sufficient institutional reach in New Delhi to articulate its interests at the same political levels India targets in Dhaka.

The contrast reveals two entirely different diplomatic ecosystems. Trivedi’s circuit bridged protocol, executive politics, internal security, defense, and cross-border connectivity. Hamidullah’s visible engagements in Delhi remained narrow, constrained by formal channels while India operated through a broader political network. 

Without institutional reach that extends to the political executive, security apparatus, and strategic community, Dhaka risks conducting diplomacy at a disadvantage. Trivedi’s extensive circuit serves as a clear map of where New Delhi perceives power to lie in Bangladesh. 

For the Indian envoy, diplomacy meant knocking on every consequential door; for Bangladesh’s representative in Delhi, the public record suggests few doors were opened, exposing a fundamental imbalance in diplomatic leverage between the two neighbors.

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Wahidul Islam is a journalist based in Dhaka

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