The compound stands largely empty now.
The gate is broken. Sections of the boundary wall have collapsed into piles of rubble. Burned structures sit abandoned inside the property. At the rear of the compound, three iron cages remain beneath a tin-roofed shelter, drawing curious visitors during the day and fueling persistent stories among residents after dark.
For years, locals say, few people dared approach the residence without permission.
Located in Baguya village of Saltia Union in Mymensingh's Gafargaon upazila, the property belongs to former Member of Parliament Fahmi Golandaz Babel, a prominent political figure who went into hiding following the political upheaval of August 5, 2024.
The compound has since become the focus of competing narratives. For supporters, a political target after a dramatic shift in power; for critics, a symbol of a decade in which political influence and allegations of intimidation became deeply intertwined.
Residents interviewed by Daily Waadaa in Gafargaon described the property as more than a private residence. Several alleged that political opponents, contractors, businesspeople and even members of the Awami League who disagreed with Golandaz were brought there and subjected to intimidation.
Some residents referred to the property as a "torture cell," though no court has publicly established such claims.
"The high walls meant nobody could see inside," said Mohammad Shahabuddin, a resident of Saltia village. "Later we heard that people were brought there and tortured."
Following Golandaz's disappearance from public view, the compound was attacked multiple times.
Local sources said that on September 7, 2024 a group entered the property after breaking through the gate. Buildings were vandalized. A tin-roofed structure was set on fire. Two vehicles were burned. Additional incidents of arson followed.
A recent visit found the property deserted. Yet it is the three iron cages behind the main residence that continue to generate the greatest attention.
One resident, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Daily Waadaa that locals had long circulated stories that individuals who defied the former lawmaker could be confined inside the cages.
Several people who said they had visited the property during Golandaz's tenure as a member of parliament alleged that a driver named Russell was once placed in one of the cages after arriving late. They also claimed that a contractor and a local political activist faced similar treatment.
These allegations could not be independently verified.
Residents, opposition activists, former Awami League members, contractors and local political figures describe Golandaz's rise as gradual but comprehensive.
His father, the late Altaf Hossain Golandaz, served as upazila chairman in 1990 and was elected to parliament in 1991, 1996 and 2001. Critics of the elder Golandaz accused him of fostering a political culture marked by intimidation, allegations that remained part of local political discourse for years.
After becoming upazila chairman in 2009, Fahmi Golandaz began expanding his own influence.
When he entered parliament in 2014, according to local political leaders, allies and supporters gradually occupied key positions across the upazila administration, municipality and union councils. Opponents contend that this process established a system of political dominance that lasted roughly a decade.
Residents and political activists interviewed for this report alleged that opposition figures faced sustained pressure. BNP leaders said many party members were unable to remain openly active in Gafargaon during that period.
Former Gafargaon Municipal BNP Convener Fazlul Haque told Daily Waadaa that many opposition activists left the area because of security concerns.
"We did not stay in Gafargaon because of fear of the Awami League and Fahmi Golandaz," he said.
Several BNP leaders linked that climate to a series of violent incidents, including the 2014 killing of Jubo Dal activist Shakil Ahmed after he was accused of robbery. BNP leaders at the time blamed activists affiliated with the ruling party. They also alleged that municipal student leader Komol was beaten to death by supporters of Golandaz.
Local residents and former political associates also described a sophisticated organizational structure built around personal loyalty.
According to several sources, two Facebook groups—"Amra Kojon" and "FGB"—functioned as communication hubs. One group allegedly included political officeholders and local representatives. The second was described as a network of younger supporters.
A former Awami League leader who once maintained close ties with Golandaz told Daily Waadaa that directives concerning political activities were frequently shared through the groups. He alleged that instructions involving confrontations with rivals were also distributed there.
According to multiple accounts, armed groups linked to local political leaders operated across various unions. Sources estimated that several hundred young men participated in those networks.
Many individuals named by residents as organizers or coordinators remain free despite the political transition that followed the July Uprising, according to local critics.
Beyond politics, allegations concerning financial influence remain central to Golandaz's legacy in Gafargaon.
Contractors interviewed for this report alleged that major public works projects required commission payments before work could proceed. One contractor recalled an incident in January 2014 in which Contractors Association General Secretary Asaduzzaman was allegedly summoned to Golandaz's residence and pressured regarding commission payments.
Residents and businesspeople also pointed to the lucrative sand trade along the Brahmaputra River.
When a Bangladesh Inland Water Transport Authority dredging project began in 2019, one project official alleged that Golandaz initially attempted to obstruct operations. Multiple sources claimed that he later established effective control over illegal sand extraction along approximately 40 kilometers of riverbank.
According to individuals familiar with the trade, sand was stockpiled on nearby land and sold through auctions. Additional extraction allegedly occurred afterward. Truck operators were reportedly required to make regular payments.
Farmers said illegal sand extraction damaged agricultural land.
"My land and the farmers' land were cut away and mixed into the river," said Ayakub Ali, a farmer from Rouha village.
Critics also point to Golandaz's financial disclosures.
Election affidavits show that his declared annual income increased from 246,000 taka in 2014 to more than 31.2 million taka by 2024. Bank deposits rose from 468,000 taka to nearly 119.2 million taka during the same period. His 2024 affidavit listed cash holdings of 14.8 million taka, while his wife reported deposits of 17.1 million taka.
Residents interviewed for this report alleged that his actual wealth exceeded officially declared assets.
Those questions have taken on added significance following actions by Bangladesh's Anti-Corruption Commission.
In a corruption case, a court ordered the seizure of assets worth approximately 85.6 million taka belonging to the former lawmaker, including two apartments in Dhaka's Gulshan and Dhanmondi neighborhoods and approximately 16 acres of land in Gafargaon and Bhaluka.
According to the commission, investigators believe Golandaz accumulated more than 200 million taka in illicit wealth through abuse of power and corruption. The commission also alleged unusual transactions involving his bank accounts.
The court ordered the seizure of the assets on January 8 after investigators argued there was a risk they could be transferred.
Golandaz could not be reached for comment. Since the July Uprising, he has remained out of public view.
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